How D.C. progressive billionaires are building Alaska’s permanent opposition

With oil below $70/barrel, most of the talk in Juneau is about the budget. But while committees continue to hear bills, a lot of this session – and the 2026 elections – has already been preloaded by a quiet, very well‑funded group based in D.C.

IRS reports obtained by the Landmine show millions in Lower 48 progressive money is flowing into Alaska. Not for roads, not for ports, not for the gasline, or even for jobs. For one thing: political opposition for doing what Alaska does best – resource development.

This money doesn’t testify or run for office. But it’s here, setting the table while legislators do what they do in the Capitol.

The D.C. pass‑through that looks a lot like an opposition machine

At the center of this operation is the New Venture Fund (NVF), a Washington, D.C.-based pass‑through tied to the Arabella Advisors dark‑money ecosystem. This isn’t your standard charity handing out grants to feel good. It’s basically a political financing hub that routes national billionaire and multi-millionaire donor cash into targeted advocacy and political projects.

In Alaska, it’s starting to look less like philanthropy and more like an opposition pipeline.

According to their latest filings, in 2024 NVF sent about $625,000 to Alaska. The biggest single grant was $325,000 to the United Tribes of Bristol Bay – ground zero for some of the most intense resource development fights over the last decade.

Other NVF Alaska grants included $100,000 to the Alaska Wildlife Alliance, $100,000 to Spruce Root, $100,000 to the Alaska Current, $50,000 to the Sitka Conservation Society, and $50,000 to the Alaska Sustainability Initiative. These all look like environmental and community development grants, but many of these outfits spend a lot of time opposing and working hard to kill the very industries that keep the state budget afloat: mining, oil and gas, and fisheries.

And this isn’t a one-time injection. The pattern is sustained funding, year-over-year. The point isn’t to win one high‑profile case and go home. The point is to make sure there is always a fight – and that one side never runs out of ammo.

Not just advocacy, explicitly political operations

NVF doesn’t stop at “nonpartisan” environmental work. It’s also pushing money into 501(c)(4) political shops – the kind of groups set up to influence legislation, regulations, and elections, with a lot less disclosure. All here in Alaska.

From the latest filings, Alaskans for Posterity received $200,000, and Alaskans for Fair Courts received $40,000. One that really stuck out was $190,000 for the AEDC Advocacy Fund that funded Project Anchorage and the proposed 3% sales tax last year.

These funds are pushing out political messaging, pressuring lawmakers, gearing up for judicial retention battles, and backing or opposing Alaskan candidates – all from a national donor network that most Alaskans will never see, let alone vote on.

That’s where this gets interesting. It’s not just that the money exists, it’s that it’s intentionally structured to stay in the shadows while it helps dictate what’s happening in Alaska.

Tides, Sixteen Thirty, and the scaling up of the operation

If New Venture Fund is the backbone, groups like the Tides Foundation and Sixteen Thirty Fund are the muscle.

Tides’ 2024 Alaska grants include money for some unusual but very active groups around Alaska, like $75,000 for the aggressive 907 Initiative, $208,000 for AKPIRG, and $50,000 for the Takshanuk Watershed Council.

But the strange thing is, these aren’t random donations to groups doing advocacy work around Alaska. This is building infrastructure: voter mobilization, narrative work, policy advocacy. These are the groups with big banks of volunteers that show up in election years with coordinated campaigns. And they come with national backing and big money that local groups – on either side – usually can’t touch.

Another funder is Sixteen Thirty Fund, a major progressive dark‑money vehicle. Grants in 2024 in Alaska were huge, like Alaska Progressive Donor Table, a.k.a Progress Alaska ($302,500), Alaskans for Posterity ($200,000), Better Jobs for Alaska ($100,000 for the 2024 ballot initiative to increase minimum wage and provide mandatory sick leave), the Alaska Center ($75,000), and Alaska Jobs Coalition ($50,000).

On top of that, Sixteen Thirty helped the Western Futures Fund jump from $3.2 million to $8.7 million in 2024 – a big signal that national players are scaling up their investment in politics across the west, with Alaska very much in the frame.

This is not hobby‑level politics. This is a professional, permanent campaign to bring progressive policy to an otherwise red state.

What’s not getting funded: the industries that actually pay the bills

Here’s the part that should give everyone pause: there is almost no comparable outside political investment going into promoting the industries that keep the state alive.

Nothing on this scale is flowing into defending oil and gas development, mining, maritime and fishing, and construction for ports, roads, or serious energy‑cost reductions.

Instead, the biggest outside checks are going to organizations whose sole purpose is to kill, delay, litigate, proselytize, and shape public opinion against resource development and major projects.

Over time, that creates a serious problem. Companies with options look at Alaska and see not a frontier of opportunity, but a guaranteed slog of well‑funded opposition and years of well-organized campaigns to kill or delay projects.

They are forced to spend millions of dollars every election cycle fighting unfettered NIMBYism via astroturfing.

At some point, they may very well decide to invest somewhere else.

Legal? Mostly. Transparent? Not really. Consequences? Very real.

To be clear, nonprofits are allowed to advocate, organize, and sue people within the bounds of the law. That’s not in dispute.

What these IRS 990 reports show, though, is something different: a national progressive funding network deliberately building permanent political infrastructure inside Alaska, largely financed by donors who don’t live here, don’t vote here, and won’t carry the cost of higher energy costs, fewer jobs, and stalled projects.

They get their wins. Alaskans get the long‑term consequences.

As everyone starts talking about the 2026 election cycle, the real question isn’t whether outside money influences Alaska. The answer to that is obvious. 

The real question is this: Are Alaskans deciding Alaska’s future, or are we slowly outsourcing it to Lower 48 donors running a permanent campaign against Alaska out of D.C. under the friendly branding of “nonprofit philanthropy”?

Based on the paperwork, I think we know the answer. Alaskans should pay close attention to who is funding these messages and initiatives.

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Tim Bristol's mom
2 hours ago

Great article Jeff. I read it quickly but saw no mention of salmonstate. They are the single biggest beneficiary of NVF money in the state. They run millions in their anti resource campaign and use their “independent” firm the mobilization center to sell personal data to other progressive causes and political campaigns. Their anti-trawl campaign is specifically designed to try and capture right wing voters and get them to vote for Peltola.

Brian Sweeney
2 hours ago

AK is a cheap date. They can get a lot of mileage out of the money here. And it is shifting the state. Another 10 or 15 years and they may be able to get from red to purple to blue.

Pierre Loenwolf
1 hour ago

Like the so called “other side” doesn’t do the same thing……the so called resource development issue …..they won’t until it makes sense…..remember the no bid oil leases that they let out…..little hard to sweep that under the rug…..we sure seem to give the cow away on the promised of someone buying the milk…..

Dan Svatass
1 hour ago

As I understand it, Landfield owns (or partly owns) this website. The ads that displayed as I read this story at this website just now are as follows: A large ad for the West Susitna Access Project, which is pushing the State of Alaska to spend over a half-billion dollars building it a free, semi-private, 110 mile long road to new mines that the WSAP’s owners hope to exploit; A large ad paid by Alaska mining advocates touting a forum they’re holding in Juneau later this month; Four smaller ads from the pro-mining Associated General Contractors of Alaska, which is… Read more »